Open-Air Exhibition: “Sociality as a Political Force”

A vibrant civil society is the foundation of every functioning democracy. It encompasses all areas of voluntary engagement in which citizens collectively take responsibility for society. People come together to pursue shared interests and advocate for the common good. In doing so, they contribute to democratic culture. Engagement takes many forms: activities in sports and cultural clubs, volunteer work in nonprofit initiatives, or protesting against injustices.

How does civil society make the state democratic?

Civil society, the state, and the private sector are in constant dialogue. Civil society groups monitor government actions, demand transparency and a voice in decision-making, and bring social issues to the political agenda. Local initiatives, for example, advocate for the preservation of green spaces; environmental organizations influence legislative processes; and human rights organizations call for the observance of rights. At the same time, civil society needs the government to ensure that the rules of democracy are upheld. Civil society drives economic change: consumer initiatives advocate for sustainable production methods, labor unions fight for fair working conditions, and environmental movements influence corporate strategies.

A vibrant civil society reflects social developments and drives them forward. Yet it should not be idealized: While most organizations act with the firm belief that they are promoting the common good, what is understood by “common good” is by no means uniform. Civil society initiatives are driven by a variety of values and ideas—not all of which are democratic. The strength of a democracy lies in its ability to tolerate such differing positions and to foster discourse. Crucial to this is the willingness to resolve conflicts peacefully and to express opinions through democratic means. A democracy thrives on the diversity of voices. The exhibition showcases the hubs of political movements and highlights the interplay between civil society and the state—a process that continually shapes and advances democracy.

How did pre-democratic civil society function?

In pre-democratic times, civil society was often limited in its ability to develop and had little influence. Yet even then, people came together based on shared interests and organized themselves for the common good. Places such as churches, schools, and private homes bear witness to these early civil society movements.

In the early 19th century, an early form of civil society began to develop in Germany. Numerous civic associations sprang up, whose primary concerns were initially not very political: singing, gymnastics, and shooting clubs, as well as student fraternities, were dedicated first and foremost to fostering social interaction and tradition. A certain level of social status was required to join these groups. This early form of bourgeois self-organization reflected a growing need for cohesion and cultural identity outside of state institutions. However, the authoritarian state viewed these organizations with suspicion. Associations were regarded as potential breeding grounds for dissenting thought and politically undesirable activities. The state responded by restricting freedom of assembly, banning associations, and imposing strict controls.

It was precisely this state repression that strengthened civil society in the long run. Because the freedom to self-organize was curtailed, skepticism toward the authoritarian state developed. Civil society gradually began to demand civil liberties and limits on state control. In this interplay between control and the civic pursuit of autonomy, civil society grew over the decades into a politically significant force. Increasingly politicized associations and movements emerged that called for democratic reforms—ranging from labor unions to women’s organizations to cooperatives. These groups advocated for greater social justice and political participation. At the same time, many associations emerged that promoted patriotic and nationalist ideas. All these groups were united by their opposition to the authoritarian state.

How does civil society function in democracies?

Only a democratic system of government creates the conditions in which civic engagement can flourish freely and confidently. From the Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold during the Weimar Republic to protests in Münster’s market square and climate action on factory chimneys—these places demonstrate the diversity, dynamism, and impact of civic movements.

The first German democracy, the Weimar Republic, granted comprehensive fundamental rights and freedoms for the first time. Thanks to freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, and the right to form associations and societies, an active civil society emerged in the 1920s. However, it was not only the diversity of groups advocating democratic values that grew, but also the number of organizations that were skeptical of democracy or even hostile to it. In the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), civil society became an integral part of the democratic community beginning in the 1950s. Much of this civic engagement took place within middle-class circles, which made it difficult for disadvantaged groups to participate. In the GDR, civil society operated under different conditions. Although an active network of associations also emerged there, civic engagement was controlled by the state and often exploited for its own purposes. Nevertheless, there were niches within civil society where people created spaces of freedom that later contributed significantly to the mobilization during the Peaceful Revolution of 1989–90. In the 1970s, the term “civil society” became increasingly associated with anti-authoritarian and anti-dictatorial movements. The New Social Movements, which addressed issues such as environmental protection, peace, women’s rights, and human rights, were characterized by shared values and a transnational perspective. They saw themselves as part of a global community and developed new forms of mobilization through modern means of communication—such as the Internet. The Peaceful Revolution of 1989–90 was an expression of this new dynamic in civil society: Over the course of many years, courageous citizens had created spaces for freedom, built networks, and engaged in discourse—despite state control. The protests of the Peaceful Revolution, which ultimately led to the fall of the Berlin Wall, were the culmination of a long-standing civil society movement that demanded and drove the transition to democracy.

Clemensplatz, Koblenz, Rhineland-Palatinate. At the 1931 Federal Constitution Day celebration in Koblenz, 60,000 people stood up for freedom and democracy. Since 1924, the Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Association of Republican War Veterans, had organized such annual celebrations to mark the anniversary of the Weimar Constitution of August 11, 1919. Although the day had been commemorated with official ceremonies in the Reichstag since 1921, a parliamentary majority was never achieved to establish it as a legal holiday. The central goal of this democratic mass organization was to strengthen the still-young Weimar Republic and protect it from extremism. In 1933, the Reichsbanner was banned, and its members were persecuted, imprisoned, or forced into exile.

Market Square, Lingen, Lower Saxony. On August 22, 1954, more than 50,000 people from the Emsland region protested against Lower Saxony’s school legislation. The legislation called for the introduction of community schools, in which children of different religious denominations were to be taught together. In this predominantly Catholic region, this met with vehement opposition. The protesters saw this as an attack on their religious values and demanded the preservation of the Christian school tradition. The protest was supported by a broad coalition of parents’ associations, Catholic teachers’ associations, the CDU, and the Catholic Church. Among the demonstrators were many women from conservative circles, who rarely participated in politics at that time. The demonstration thus served as an example of political participation.

Salzstraße, Münster, North Rhine-Westphalia. On April 29, 1972, the first publicly authorized demonstration by gay and lesbian people in the Federal Republic of Germany took place in Münster, organized by the Münster Homophile Student Group (HSM). About 200 people took part in the protest march, which drew attention to the discrimination and criminalization of homosexual people. The demonstration was one of the first actions to take the step from self-help to the public sphere and to demand the rights of gay and lesbian people in public spaces. Attempts to increase public visibility for gay and lesbian people were frequently banned by the courts, for example in Aachen in 1973, in Ingolstadt in 1980, and in Ulm in 1981. Through the demonstration and accompanying event, the HSM sought to help eliminate social and occupational discrimination.

Boehringer Chemical Works, Hamburg. In 1981, the environmental organization Greenpeace occupied the chimney of the Boehringer Chemical Works. This nonviolent and media-effective form of protest, which Greenpeace used to draw attention to environmental issues, garnered international attention and thereby exerted pressure on politicians and the business community. While Greenpeace primarily fought against industrial pollution and nuclear power in the 1980s, the issues and forms of action within environmental movements have since evolved. Contemporary movements such as Fridays for Future rely on mass demonstrations, global networking, and digital campaigns to draw attention to the climate crisis. Despite their different methods, both movements are united by the goal of holding governments and the business sector accountable and bringing about sustainable change.